Wednesday, July 02, 2008

The worst market crisis in 60 years - By George Soros

I've received the following article written by George Soros through the Soros Fund Management, I think is a good piece to take a look at. You may agree or disagree with him, but - I insist - it's something to spend some time on it!

See you on my next post!

Prof. Lic. Fernando Julio Silva, MSc
July 2008

ARTICLE:

"The current financial crisis was precipitated by a bubble in the US housing market. In some ways it resembles other crises that have occurred since the end of the second world war at intervals ranging from four to 10 years.

However, there is a profound difference: the current crisis marks the end of an era of credit expansion based on the dollar as the international reserve currency. The periodic crises were part of a larger boom-bust process. The current crisis is the culmination of a super-boom that has lasted for more than 60 years.

Boom-bust processes usually revolve around credit and always involve a bias or misconception. This is usually a failure to recognise a reflexive, circular connection between the willingness to lend and the value of the collateral. Ease of credit generates demand that pushes up the value of property, which in turn increases the amount of credit available. A bubble starts when people buy houses in the expectation that they can refinance their mortgages at a profit. The recent US housing boom is a case in point. The 60-year super-boom is a more complicated case.

Every time the credit expansion ran into trouble the financial authorities intervened, injecting liquidity and finding other ways to stimulate the economy. That created a system of asymmetric incentives also known as moral hazard, which encouraged ever greater credit expansion. The system was so successful that people came to believe in what former US president Ronald Reagan called the magic of the marketplace and I call market fundamentalism. Fundamentalists believe that markets tend towards equilibrium and the common interest is best served by allowing participants to pursue their self-interest. It is an obvious misconception, because it was the intervention of the authorities that prevented financial markets from breaking down, not the markets themselves. Nevertheless, market fundamentalism emerged as the dominant ideology in the 1980s, when financial markets started to become globalised and the US started to run a current account deficit.

Globalisation allowed the US to suck up the savings of the rest of the world and consume more than it produced. The US current account deficit reached 6.2 per cent of gross national product in 2006. The financial markets encouraged consumers to borrow by introducing ever more sophisticated instruments and more generous terms. The authorities aided and abetted the process by intervening whenever the global financial system was at risk. Since 1980, regulations have been progressively relaxed until they have practically disappeared.

The super-boom got out of hand when the new products became so complicated that the authorities could no longer calculate the risks and started relying on the risk management methods of the banks themselves. Similarly, the rating agencies relied on the information provided by the originators of synthetic products. It was a shocking abdication of responsibility.

Everything that could go wrong did. What started with subprime mortgages spread to all collateralised debt obligations, endangered municipal and mortgage insurance and reinsurance companies and threatened to unravel the multi-trillion-dollar credit default swap market. Investment banks' commitments to leveraged buyouts became liabilities. Market-neutral hedge funds turned out not to be market-neutral and had to be unwound. The asset-backed commercial paper market came to a standstill and the special investment vehicles set up by banks to get mortgages off their balance sheets could no longer get outside financing. The final blow came when interbank lending, which is at the heart of the financial system, was disrupted because banks had to husband their resources and could not trust their counterparties. The central banks had to inject an unprecedented amount of money and extend credit on an unprecedented range of securities to a broader range of institutions than ever before. That made the crisis more severe than any since the second world war.

Credit expansion must now be followed by a period of contraction, because some of the new credit instruments and practices are unsound and unsustainable. The ability of the financial authorities to stimulate the economy is constrained by the unwillingness of the rest of the world to accumulate additional dollar reserves. Until recently, investors were hoping that the US Federal Reserve would do whatever it takes to avoid a recession, because that is what it did on previous occasions. Now they will have to realise that the Fed may no longer be in a position to do so. With oil, food and other commodities firm, and the renminbi appreciating somewhat faster, the Fed also has to worry about inflation. If federal funds were lowered beyond a certain point, the dollar would come under renewed pressure and long-term bonds would actually go up in yield. Where that point is, is impossible to determine. When it is reached, the ability of the Fed to stimulate the economy comes to an en d.

Although a recession in the developed world is now more or less inevitable, China, India and some of the oil-producing countries are in a very strong countertrend. So, the current financial crisis is less likely to cause a global recession than a radical realignment of the global economy, with a relative decline of the US and the rise of China and other countries in the developing world.

The danger is that the resulting political tensions, including US protectionism, may disrupt the global economy and plunge the world into recession or worse.

The writer is chairman of Soros Fund Management
The Financial Times Article -- Published: January 23 2008"

Tuesday, July 01, 2008

Who’s right? The break even idea

Economists defend their position that says that where the marginal revenue and the marginal cost cross is the optimum point of production, defending this though saying that inside the marginal cost a small level of normal profits are included because no one will decide to produce something without knowing in advance that will be earning some money (as part of the costs the “salary” of the producer will be added).

Now, lets see business people’s idea, they say that after the minimum number of units that allow you to cover the total cost is reached then you can start out talking about making profits (winning money). And this makes sense too, if my total costs are equal to $ 2,000.-, I need to find out the number of units I have to sell in order to equal (through the revenue) that previous value.

For example if I find that producing and selling 500 units of an X product I obtain $ 2,000.-, then I know that whenever I sell my unit number 501 I’ll star making profits.

It makes sense, but it's nice to see that students still argue about this point.

See you on my next post

Prof. Lic. Fernando Julio Silva, MSc
July 2008

Warren Buffett’s protectionist trade policies will benefit neither the US nor emerging economies

Paul Samuelson wrote:

Warren Buffett, the oracle from omaha, is an American icon way up there with Daniel Boone and Honest Abe Lincoln. That’s not because he is just about the richest man in the world. These days, multibillionaires are a dime a dozen. Most of them have been more lucky than smart, averaging in IQ only a bit above Henry Ford, who said, “History is bunk.”

Buffett is that rare exception who made his own fortune as a superlative investor over more than four decades. He professes Will Rogers poses: Shucks, I just spot good companies run by good people and in split seconds we go into partnership together. Sounds simple, doesn’t it? Go try.

Forget now about speculative capital gains and losses. Since 2003, Buffett has turned heretical against present-day globalisation trends. The title of his piece in Fortune magazine (26 October 2003) sums up his protest: ‘America’s Growing Trade Deficit Is Selling the Nation Out from Under Us: Here’s a Way to Fix the Problem — And We Need To Do It Now’.

Most US political protectionists, now and before, used import tariffs to confine production of automobiles in Detroit and not in Japan or Germany. Buffett doesn’t touch directly on American jobs getting outsourced abroad. He focuses his fire on (a) the uncontested fact that when emerging poor economies apply advanced US know-how to their own low-wage, educable workers, they usually generate a trend of ‘export-led growth’; (b) as academic economists have agreed, fast-growing, emerging societies are initially high savers; and (c) the fact that most advanced industrial societies tend to settle down into lower, steady-state saving rates.

From these, we can infer that Japan, China and India would pile up trade surpluses for a long time, which will be recycled into dollar-denominated assets. If Buffett is concerned by this US pathology, he might have written a different Fortune article proposing a taxing mechanism that forces Americans to save as high a fraction of their incomes as citizens of emerging countries. Maybe then free trade sans tariffs or import quotas could be Buffett’s reform scheme?

However, Buffett proposes a new system of import certificates (ICs) issued to would-be US exporters (such as GM or Ford or GE). These ICs are valuable because would-be exporters in China, et al, will need to buy them if their goods are to be allowed into the US. An auction market for ICs between foreign would-be exporters and American would-be exporters will reach theoretical equilibrium only when the US’s trade exports are equal to its trade imports. Ergo, no persistent takeover of US earning assets by dynamic foreigners will continue in the post-Buffett era. Suppose that the US electorate and a Democratic Congress do legislate Buffett’s scheme. Suppose too that we can rule out a lethal financial panic in Chinese and Indian markets attributable to the Buffett scheme. Then:

China-like places will become dependent primarily on their domestic-led growth.
With US real imports substantially aborted, per capita total income may drop. Because consumers will have lost their opportunity to benefit from cheap imports from China and India. At the same time, US trade unions will again become active. Potemkin village auto factories in Detroit and Atlanta will be definite beneficiaries of the Buffett scheme.
Math analysis shows that, depending upon how elastic or inelastic supply-demand relations for goods, US losers could overnight outweigh US winners. Or vice versa. Probably, if and when protectionism surges in 2009-2013, it will rely primarily on traditional import tariffs and quotas.
In self-defence, Buffett might argue that the present state of affairs cannot continue for long; that we’re in a fix similar to that of persons falling off the Empire State Building. They aren’t hurt yet, but the moment of judgement will arrive soon.

An op-ed column is not the place to expound equations of mathematical economics. Consider a cogent analysis of a two-country world, where each place can produce three different goods out of domestic labour, working with producible capital machines. One of those three goods will be machines producible out of labour and machines.

It turns out that in such an idealised model, a growing adverse US trade balance could go on forever while at the same time benefiting net both, the US and China or India.

Since Rome wasn’t built in a day, a scheme like Buffett’s could be introduced only gradually, thereby sparing the global economies sudden, acute financial turmoil.

(Businessworld Issue 1-7 July 2008)
http://www.businessworld.in/content/view/5085/5196

See you on my next post!

Prof. Lic. Fernando Julio Silva, MSc.

July 2008